Life of Matthew Parker (Strype, 1821)/Book II/Chapter XIX

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This is the enhanced reading edition of Book II, Chapter XIX, prepared according to the AnglicanWiki Editorial Guidelines for Historical Texts. It adds descriptive section headings, English translations of Latin passages (with the original preserved), verified internal links, and editorial notes clearly distinguished from Strype's text. Strype's wording, historical spelling, and substance are preserved.

The Archbishop labours an Uniformity among the Ministers; in habits and other ceremonies appointed. Dr. Turner, Dean of Wells, refractory to them. Varieties used in the service of the Church. Information of this to the Archbishop out of the country. The Queen's letter to the Archbishop for enjoining the habits. The Bishop of Durham's letter occasioned hereby: and the Archbishop's to the Bishop of London. What the Bishops did hereupon; and the Puritans. Dean Whittingham's letter to the Earl of Leicester: and Kingsmil to the Archbishop.

A New and Troublesome Work

THE next year the Archbishop, being returned back to Lambeth, entered upon a new and troublesome work, which cost him much pains and sorrow, struggling in it as long as he lived. It was his endeavour to oblige Ministers to an uniformity and agreement in their attendances upon the service of God. For the Queen had taken great offence at many of the Clergy, having information how remiss they were, both in the University and out of it, especially in the city of London, in wearing the habits appointed for the Clergy to use in time of ministration, and at other times: chiefly the square cap, the tippet, and the surplice.

It is marvellous to consider how much these were abhorred by many honest well meaning men; accounting them Antichristian ceremonies, and so styling them; and by no means to be used in a true Christian Church, because used in the apostate Church of Rome. It may suffice as a sign how averse many were unto these habits, only to mention one or two. Crowley[ed 1] called them conjuring garments of Popery, and would not therefore be persuaded to minister in them: and in the year 1565, Dr. Turner, the Dean of Wells,[ed 2] enjoined a common adulterer to do his open penance in a Priest's square cap. Of which the Archbishop complained to the Secretary.[ed 3]

Dr. Turner, Dean of Wells

And two years before this; viz. the latter end of the year 1563, he used to call the Bishops white coats, and tippet gentlemen,[ed 4] with other words of reproach; contemning moreover their office, and asking, "Who gave them authority more over me, than I over them, either to forbid me preaching, or to deprive me, unless they have it from their holy Father the Pope?" Gilbert, Bishop of Bath and Wells,[ed 5] was so incumbered with this his Dean for such talk, and for his indiscreet behaviour in the pulpit, meddling with all matters, and unseemly speaking of all states, that he first advertised him by writings, and admonished him secretly by his own friends. But persisting herein, he was forced to advertise our Archbishop of it; and proceeded to entreat Secretary Cecil to write a few lines to him, which he believed might stay his undiscreet doings. To add one passage more of him, which is intendedly related for his credit by Martin Marprelate,[ed 6][1] that he had a dog full of good qualities; and having invited a Bishop to his table, in dinner while he called the dog, and told him that the Bishop did sweat; the dog flies at the Bishop, and took off his cornered cap; and away goes the dog with it to his master.

Varieties in the Service and Administration

And the confused varieties that divers Ministers in these days used in the service of God, and in their habits which they wore, gave much offence, and were complained of. Insomuch as I find a paper among the Secretary's MSS.,[2] specifying these varieties, dated Febr. 14, 1564, which was the month before the articles for uniformity, afterward mentioned, were devised by the Archbishop and the other Bishops. This paper I think worthy our transcribing, for the illustrating our present history. Which is as follows verbatim:

Varieties in the service and administration used.

Service and Prayer. Some say the service and prayers in the chancel; others in the body of the church. Some say the same in a seat made in the church; some in the pulpit, with their faces to the people. Some keep precisely the order of the book; others intermeddle Psalms in metre. Some say with a surplice; others without a surplice.

Table. The table standeth in the body of the church in some places; in others it standeth in the chancel. In some places the table standeth altarwise, distant from the wall yard.[ed 7] In some others in the middle of the chancel, north and south. In some places the table is joined; in others it standeth upon tressels. In some the table hath a carpet; in others it hath none.

Administration of the Communion. Some with surplice and cap; some with surplice alone; others with none. Some with chalice; some with a Communion cup; others with a common cup. Some with unleavened bread, and some with leavened. [He might have added, some with wafers, some with common manchet bread.]

Receiving. Some receive kneeling, others standing, others sitting.

Baptizing. Some baptize in a font, some in a basin. Some sign with the sign of the cross; others sign not. Some minister in a surplice, others without.

Apparel. Some with a square cap; some with a round cap; some with a button cap; some with a hat. Some in scholars' clothes, some in others.

Information from the Country: Kechyn of Bocking

An application made this year to our Archbishop by one of his Clergy for his advice will further declare these matters, and shew how the Clergy in the countries about this time behaved themselves in their ministration. The Archbishop had placed one Richard Kechyn in some benefice near Bocking in Essex, which seemed to be one of his Peculiars:[ed 8] and upon his admission had charged him to follow the orders and rules appointed and established by law, and to make no variation, whatsoever others should or might do or persuade him to the contrary. But now this year in his ministerial course, he met with many rubs and checks by one, a neighbouring preacher, (or English Doctor, as they loved then to call themselves,) who came into his pulpit, being a licensed preacher, and there openly condemned him, the incumbent, for certain things. We must know that Kechyn had in the Rogation-week gone the perambulation with his parishioners;[ed 9] and according to the old custom and the Queen's injunctions, had said certain offices in certain places of the parish. And several women of the parish accompanied as was wont, and joined in the prayers that were said. And all was ended in a good friendly dinner: wherein such poor women and others that attended were refreshed and relieved. Kechyn had also upon occasion shewed his mind concerning preaching in ordinary assemblies upon predestination: and that he thought that deep point were better be let alone, to be argued and discoursed among the learned. He also constantly wore the surplice in his ministration, and in reading the divine service turned his face to the east.

This one Holland, Curate of Bocking, thought fit to check this man for.[3] And the Sunday next following the Rogation-week, coming to preach at his parish, his sermon went on two arguments only, viz. of predestination, and of women's walking the perambulation in Rogation-week.

Holland's Sermon at Bocking

Of predestination he said, "That it should and ought to be preached in every sermon and in every place, before all congregations, as the only doctrine of salvation. And that they that granted a truth in it, and would not have it every where preached, as well as they that denied it, were enemies to God and the eternal predestination." The like he judged of them that said, it was a high and secret mystery, and fitter for learned men in schools and Universities: against which he boldly spake, as far as he durst, and would fain have said more as might well appear. And whereas certain women in the parish had followed the rest in the Rogation-week, as they were always accustomed, and heard the Gospels read with the rest, and assisted with their prayers, rendering of thanks, saying Amen to the curses, [one whereof appointed by the Injunctions to be said was, Cursed is he that translateth the bounds and dolls of his neighbour,[ed 10]] and so forth, as the Injunctions did permit: this he condemned as unlawful; and pretended the Queen's authority for this his new doctrine, and the judgment of the learned Bishops of the realm; and laboured at large to confute what might be said in favour of this custom. The Dean of Bocking, (who, I think, was Mr. Cole,) having some jurisdiction over Kechyn and some other Ministers thereabouts, had charged him and the rest not to turn their faces to the high altar in service-saying, which was a new charge and not given before. But this Dean in his visitation usually gave new articles every year. And lastly, offence was taken against him that he used the surplice.

Kechyn Consults the Archbishop

Upon this occasion, the said Minister thought convenient to acquaint Peerson, the Archbishop's Almoner and Chaplain, with these things, to impart them to the Archbishop, that he might have his counsel and direction.[ed 11] He told the Almoner in a letter to him what his practice was, that though he turned his face upward, as he had done hitherto, yet his Church was small, and his voice might be heard. That the Litany he said in the body of the church; and when he said the service he kept the chancel, and turned his face to the east; and that he was not zealous in setting forth predestination. And for these matters they were much offended with him. He beseeched the Almoner therefore to let him understand his Grace's mind in the opinions above rehearsed. For though the cause was flat, as he had before reported to him, yet he had not, he said, taken in hand to disclose or confute openly in the church any of these matters wherein these English Doctors had been and were wrestling at this day. That he would do nothing against his lawful Ordinary's mind. That if he willed him to leave off the surplice, as others did, he was ready; to forbid the women to pray in the Rogation-week, &c. he was also ready. That in such cases he depended upon them that had authority to alter ceremonies; and not upon the new brethren that seemed and would be thought to have authority, but had none. Further, that he would gladly learn what articles his Grace caused to be inquired of in his visitation; because the Dean their Visitor had every year a new scroll of articles. And this, of charging all not to turn their faces to the high altar was one; which he called a new charge. That, for his suffering the women to pray in the fields in Rogation-week, he said, that the poorer women (as God knew) that lacked work the last week were glad of the relief that was accustomably provided for them; and that the substantial men took part with him in it.

Holland a Puritan Preacher

Then Kechyn took the liberty to acquaint the Archbishop's Chaplain with some character of this Holland, that took so much upon him in his pulpit; and with the practices now brought in, in the churches. That though this man had called these perambulation feasts, feasts of Bacchus, shewing his skill in poetry; yet if one should have asked him how to decline Bacchus, he would have been put to his shifts:[ed 12] however he would appear to be seen in Latin, Greek, and Hebrew. He cried out, that the Schoolmen had infected all the country with superstition, as he termed this going of the women. That in his sermons he used much Latin, and took great pleasure in pronouncing it much like the good fellows that went about with foot plays.[ed 13] He asked, if this were not at length a fit learned man to preach predestination in such presumption. And added, that he marvelled much that his Grace permitted him by his licence to preach out of his cure, or any proud English Doctor of them all, as the good man, raised into some passion, expressed himself. But that now, he is no English Doctor with us, as he proceeded, that hath not some singular opinion to inflame the multitude withal against those that live under laws and obedience. That in short, by means of these, learning was had in derision of most men. That he was sorry to have occasion to pen these matters for his reading; and might think he spake of affection, but he assured him he did but write as other men talked: and that he thought much of the sauciness of these bold rude English Preachers and Doctors,[4] he wished it by punishment and penalties to be reformed. For he knew his Grace had taken order for such in some points; but that they were no more regarded. And he wished that he (to whom he wrote) might see where the fault was.

The Liberty Taken Among the Clergy

And lastly, he shewed him the liberty that was commonly used among the Clergy there, in varying from the appointments of the Church. How that some conferred Baptism in basins, some in dishes, [rejecting the use of the font,] as he himself had seen. Some held there must be seven godfathers. Some would either, that every father should christen his own child, or at least admit him to be chief godfather. Some took down the font, and painted a great bowl, and caused to be written on the outside BAP | TIS | ME,[ed 14] as was notably known. Some taught that women might not pray in the Rogation-week. Some detested the surplice in ministration. And that in Bocking it had been laid a water[ed 15] (as he expressed it) by Holland the Curate there for many a day.

Thus by this letter, shewing the state of the Church-service, and the Ministers thereof, in one part of the nation, may be guessed how it was every where else: and had it not been for the great disturbances in the Church, occasioned by these varieties, and the common omission of what was prescribed by the Queen's Injunctions; and for the rude and insolent behaviour of some that refused the habits towards those that quietly used them, and conformed themselves to orders, (as in the case of Kechyn aforesaid,) probably the urging of them so strictly afterwards would not have been. And had the scrupling brethren peaceably and silently used their liberty in the omission of some few things which their consciences scrupled, it might not have been with such rigor afterwards restrained. For hitherto, as far as I find, they were indulged and connived at by the Bishops, as much as they might, without giving offence to the Queen, or disparaging her Injunctions. For when these and some other matters enjoined by the Common Prayer Book were charged upon the Bishops by Bullinger, Pastor of the Church of Zurich,[ed 16] and some other learned foreigners of the Reformation; they replied in their letters, "That none of them were of the Parliament House at the passing of the book; and that they had therefore no voice in making of the law. But that after it was passed, they being chosen to be Bishops, must either content themselves to take their places, as things were, or else leave them to Papists or Lutherans. But in the mean space they promised not to urge their brethren in those things: and when opportunity should serve, to seek reformation of them." Which letters were shewn to George Withers, a Divine, by Bullinger and Gualter at Zurich in the year 1567, as the said Withers wrote to the Lord Burghley. Whose letter I shall hereafter have occasion to produce, when about the year 1583 subscription was enjoined to the Book of Common Prayer: upon which occasion it was writ.

The Queen's Letter for Uniformity

These practices therefore, being so contrary to the Queen's Injunctions, set out in the year 1559, and begetting so much dissension, difference, and disorder among Christians of the same profession, redounding so much to the disparagement of the reformed religion among the enemies thereof; the Queen directed her letter this year, 1564, in the month of January,[ed 17] to her Archbishop, requiring him, with other Bishops in the commission for causes ecclesiastical, that orders might be taken, whereby all diversities and varieties among the Clergy and Laity, as breeding nothing but contention and breach of common charity, and against the laws and good usage and ordinances of the realm, might be reformed and repressed, and brought to one manner of uniformity throughout the realm. A draught of which letter I have thought worthy to reposit in the Appendix (Numb. XXIV.).[ed 18] Whereby may be perceived, that this was the second time the Queen had called upon the Bishops to restrain these differences; and that neither those our Archbishop, nor the rest of his brethren, were ever forward to prosecute that did vary from the appointed rites and ceremonies; but had, for peace sake, winked a little at the non-observance of them. For she in the said letter blames the Archbishop and Bishops, "for their lack of regard that should have been given hereto, and their sufferance of sundry varieties and novelties: and moreover, straitly charged and required him, that hereafter she might not be occasioned, for lack of his diligence, to provide further remedy against the Dissenters, by some other sharp proceedings."

The Difficulties: Pilkington Writes to Leicester

But the compassing of this business, the Queen had now put him upon, had its great difficulties; not only in respect of the earnest prejudices many had taken to the apparel, because not used in other, which they esteemed purer, Churches; but also because these Dissenters had many secret favourers, both among the courtiers and the Bishops too. And chiefly Pilkington, the Bishop of Durham,[ed 19] formerly an exile for the Gospel: who not only disliked the cap and surplice, (though he wore them,) but when he observed this matter was going to be pressed, he wrote a large and earnest letter, dated October 25. to the Earl of Leicester,[ed 20] a great man with the Queen, to do his endeavour to oppose it, and to defend this cause, though he should incur some displeasure thereby: and that though he had sundry times spoken in this cause without the success desired, yet importunity commonly procured many things in time. He urged also to him that passage of Mordecai to Esther; If thou hold thy peace, deliverance shall come another way, but thou and thy father's house shall perish.[ed 21] He said, "It was Satan's malice to raise great troubles for trifles. That Paul circumcised Timothy, when there was hope to win the Jews; but when they would have it of necessity, he would not circumcise Titus.[ed 22] That compelling should not be used in things of liberty. That in those superstitious parts where he lived, Priests went with swords and daggers, and such coarse apparel as they could get, not regarding colour or fashion. But it was lamentable, that among those that were more civil, such offence should be taken at a cap. He bade the Earl consider, how all reformed countries had cast away Popish apparel with the Pope, and that we contend to keep it as a holy relic. That many Ministers would rather leave their ministry and livings, than be like to Popish teachers of such superstitions. And the realm had a great scarcity of teachers, and many places were left destitute of any. That it would give incurable offence to the favourers of God's truth in other countries: that St. Paul bade men use such apparel as became those that professed godliness:[ed 23] but if we forsake Popery as wicked, how shall we say their apparel becomes saints and professors of the Gospel?" But I will not any further forestall the reading the letter itself, which I have put in the Appendix (Numb. XXV.).

The Archbishop's Letter to the Bishop of London

The Queen having sent her letters to the Archbishop, as was above said, for pressing conformity upon the Ministers throughout her realm, he, in obedience to her commands, within two days after, wrote letters to the Bishop of London,[ed 24] shewing him, "How discomfortable these varieties and contentions were to her Majesty, and how she apprehended danger and ruin at last by them; and that she had therefore, in the beginning of her reign, provided laws and ordinances to stay and knit her people in unity; but that for want of regard in the Bishops, notwithstanding the Queen's charge given to them, for due execution, varieties, and novelty in opinions, and external ceremonies, were crept in. That thereby good religion was impaired and defaced. And the Queen saw these disorders still to increase, and not to diminish, and was now resolved to have these diversities against the laws to be expelled, and to have uniformity throughout the realm. And that she had thereupon commanded him, the Archbishop, according to the power and authority he had under her, to have consideration of the same in such form as was expressed in her letters; and to understand of every person having ecclesiastical jurisdiction, both in the Universities and elsewhere, what varieties were used in doctrine or ceremony, and in the manners of the Clergy; and to seek the reformation of the same. And that none should be admitted to any place or benefice, but such as should be disposed to follow common order, and before admittance should promise to use themselves in true unity and concord, and to keep order and uniformity. And that none that maintained these dissensions should remain in authority, whereby her sovereign authority might be frustrate. And that she commanded him, the Archbishop, to inform her of all such as were not reformable, and to refer them to her further order. And that otherwise she would impute to him the cause thereof. Therefore, for declaration of his allegiance and obedience to her authority, and to avoid her indignation, he had sent his letter to him, the Bishop of London, desiring his Lordship, and in her name straitly charging him, to expend and execute the premises; and to signify the same to the rest of his brethren in the Archbishop's province, that they should see the laws and ordinances already established, to be without delay and colour executed: and such as were incorrigible, to send up, and the causes and demerits of the said persons. And the said Bishops to charge their inferiors, having any jurisdiction, to do the same: and to certify up what varieties there be in doctrines and ceremonies, and behaviour of the Clergy. And this to be returned by the last day of February ensuing." This is the sum of the Archbishop's letter. But in the Appendix it may be found at length (Numb. XXVI.).

The Bishops and Bishop Alley

This was no very grateful work to the Bishops; many of their Clergy in their respective dioceses, otherwise learned and sober, using these variations from the laws, and taking a liberty to wear other habits, out of a detestation of Popery. Yet the Bishops were sensible of the discord these differences occasioned, and wished for a redress. Alley, Bishop of Exeter,[ed 25] wrote a letter, containing advices for the Church in matters of doctrine and discipline. Therein, for his own diocese, he wished some order might be taken for the habits; for that there was such preaching about them, to the great disturbance of the people. He said, he knew one that boasted he had preached seven or eight sermons against the habits. He wished, that they might either be confirmed by authority, or laid aside; that so there might be no more contention about them.

The Puritans' Courses: Whittingham to Leicester

But upon these motions for bringing all Ministers to an uniformity in rites, according to the laws in force, great were the strivings and strugglings of the refusers. They wrote letters, made friends, marshalled up their arguments against the use of these things. And many that used these rites, disliked their imposition: such were some of the Bishops themselves. Pilkington, Bishop of Durham, wrote a letter to this purpose, as was said before, to the Earl of Leicester, who set up for a patron of the Puritans, upon some displeasure against our Archbishop, and for other ends. And so did Whittingham, the Dean of Durham,[ed 26] writing a very large letter to the same Earl, his patron, who had procured him the deanery: shewing therein his reading in the Fathers: passages out of whom he quoted liberally, in confirmation of his arguments.

He said, "That through packing of enemies he thought it past remedy, and that the decree was either passed, or at hand, to compel all to wear the old Popish apparel, or to lose their livings. That that which made a shew for the wearing the apparel, was the opinion of indifferency. But he on the other hand said, that he that would persuade to any thing in religion must prove that it tended to God's glory, consented with his word, edified the Church, maintained Christian liberty. Which conditions and circumstances, if it wanted, that which by nature was indifferent did degenerate and become hurtful. He demanded, how could God's glory be advanced by garments which superstitious men and Antichrist have invented, for the maintaining and beautifying of idolatry? That St. Austin[ed 27] required two points in things indifferent; viz. that they induced to a better life, and so served to edification; and next, that we bewared lest offence came thereby. That to use the outward shew and manner of the wicked, is to approve their false doctrine. And whereas it was said, that this apparel served not to set forth Papistry, but reserved as a thing merely tending to the conservation of polity, he said, that this was vox tantum et præterea nihil[ed 28] That it was a poor policy to think by this means to change the nature of superstition, or to deck the spouse of Christ with the ornaments of the Babylonish strumpet, or to force the true preachers to be like in outward shew to the Papists, Christ's enemies. That when he considered how Jeroboam maintained his calves in Dan and Bethel, under the persuadable name of policy,[ed 29] it made him tremble so often as he saw the Popelike garments avouched and set forth under the vizard and countenance of policy. That as for those that said, they that refused these habits did this out of singularity rather than conscience; he answered, that if that apparel they at present wore seemed not so modest and grave as their vocation required, and that it sufficed not to distinguish them from men of other callings, they refused not to wear such as should be thought to the godly magistrates for these uses most decent; so that they might keep themselves ever pure from the defiled robe of Antichrist. He exhorted all earnestly to pray and to call unto God, that he would illuminate the Queen's heart, as he did in time past, for the true reformation of religion, the minds of so many godly princes, whom he inflamed with the zeal of his glory, as Hezekiah, Josias, and other princes. And urging how many Papists enjoyed liberty and livings that had neither sworn obedience, nor did any part of duty towards their miserable flock, he cried, "Alas! my Lord, that such compulsion should be used toward us, and so great lenity toward the Papists. Oh noble Earl, at length be our patron and stay in this behalf, that we may not lose that liberty which hitherto by the Queen's benignity we have enjoyed."

But the letter of Dean Whittingham being penned in a notable moving style, I present it to the reader in the Appendix (Numb. XXVII.). This letter the Earl, to whom it was writ, delivered to the Bishop of London, to consider, I suppose, the arguments therein, and to communicate it to the Archbishop. Yet this Whittingham afterwards wore the habits required; and when one of his Geneva fellow-exiles had reproached him for so doing, he justified himself by Calvin's judgment, whom he and others had heard say, "That for external matters of order, they might not neglect and leave their ministry: which would be for tithing mint, to neglect the weightier things of the law."[5][ed 30]

Kingsmil's Letter

Kingsmil also, another learned man, (the same, if I mistake not, with Andrew Kingsmil, of All Souls college, Oxon;[ed 31] of whom it is related, that Sampson, Humfrey, and he, were in the year 1563 the only preachers in that University,) this man now wrote a long letter to the Archbishop against urging the habits. Which letter is preserved among Mr. Petyt's manuscripts.

Notes

  1. ↑ 152 Epist. to the terrible Priests, p. 43.
  2. ↑ MSS. Ceciliana.
  3. ↑ MSS. G. P. Armig. vol. A.
  4. ↑ The Puritans affected that title from Eph. iv. 11.
  5. ↑ Ath. Oxon. p. 153.

Editorial Notes

  1. ↑ Robert Crowley, the reformer and printer.
  2. ↑ William Turner, Dean of Wells; physician, naturalist, and reformer.
  3. ↑ William Cecil, the Queen's Secretary of State.
  4. ↑ Derisive nicknames for the conforming Bishops — the "white coats" for their white surplices.
  5. ↑ Gilbert Berkeley, Bishop of Bath and Wells.
  6. ↑ Martin Marprelate, the pseudonymous Puritan author of the anti-episcopal tracts of 1588–89.
  7. ↑ As printed; the sense is "a yard distant from the wall."
  8. ↑ A "peculiar" is a parish exempt from the ordinary diocesan jurisdiction and immediately subject to the Archbishop.
  9. ↑ The Rogation days (the Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday before Ascension Day), when the parish walked — "beat" — its boundaries in procession, with prayers and readings at appointed places.
  10. ↑ Deut. xxvii. 17, "Cursed be he that removeth his neighbour's landmark." "Dolls" (doles) are boundary-marks.
  11. ↑ The marginal date "Jul. 3" dates Kechyn's letter to the Almoner.
  12. ↑ To "decline" a noun is to give its inflections in Latin grammar; Kechyn means that, for all Holland's parade of learning, he could not decline the Latin noun Bacchus.
  13. ↑ Travelling players; Kechyn implies Holland's Latin was fit for the stage rather than the pulpit.
  14. ↑ The letters spell "BAPTISME" (baptism).
  15. ↑ Kechyn's own phrase; the sense is apparently "laid aside, discarded" — an obscure contemporary idiom.
  16. ↑ Heinrich Bullinger, Zwingli's successor as pastor (Antistes) of the church at Zurich; with Rudolf Gwalther (Gualter), his son-in-law and successor, and George Withers, an English divine then at Zurich.
  17. ↑ Old Style dating; January 1564 O.S. is January 1565 New Style.
  18. ↑ Strype's references to his Appendix (Numb. XXIV–XXVII in this chapter) point to documents printed in the Appendix of the 1821 edition, which is not included in the scan used for this transcription.
  19. ↑ James Pilkington, Bishop of Durham; formerly an exile for the Gospel under Queen Mary.
  20. ↑ Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester, the Queen's favourite.
  21. ↑ Esth. iv. 14.
  22. ↑ Acts xvi. 3; Gal. ii. 3.
  23. ↑ 1 Tim. ii. 9, 10.
  24. ↑ Edmund Grindal, Bishop of London.
  25. ↑ William Alley, Bishop of Exeter.
  26. ↑ William Whittingham, Dean of Durham; a Marian exile who at Geneva had translated the New Testament for the Geneva Bible.
  27. ↑ St. Augustine of Hippo.
  28. ↑ "A mere voice, and nothing beyond" — i.e. empty words.
  29. ↑ 1 Kings xii. 28, 29.
  30. ↑ Anthony à Wood's Athenae Oxonienses. "Tithing mint": Matt. xxiii. 23, "ye pay tithe of mint and anise and cummin, and have omitted the weightier matters of the law."
  31. ↑ Andrew Kingsmill (Kingsmil), of All Souls College, Oxford; with Thomas Sampson and Laurence Humphrey (Humfrey), among the leading reforming preachers at Oxford.

Source: John Strype, The Life and Acts of Matthew Parker, the First Archbishop of Canterbury in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1821), Vol. I. Enhanced reading edition: section headings, Latin translations, verified internal links, and editorial notes added per the AnglicanWiki Editorial Guidelines for Historical Texts. Strype's text faithfully transcribed from the Google Books scan; spelling and substance as in the original.