Life of Matthew Parker (Strype, 1821)/Book III/Chapter III

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This is the enhanced reading edition of Chapter III of Book III, prepared according to the AnglicanWiki Editorial Guidelines for Historical Texts. It adds descriptive section headings, English translations of Latin passages (with the original preserved), verified internal links, and editorial notes clearly distinguished from Strype's text. Strype's wording, historical spelling, and substance are preserved.

The Archbishop moves the Chancellor of Cambridge for regulation of University licences. One Withers preaches there for reformation of glass windows. Several Heads of the University write to the Chancellor against pressing conformity there. Dr. Hutton and Dr. Beaumont, by occasion hereof, misrepresented. He sends them new statutes, framed chiefly by the Archbishop. His advice to the Chancellor hereupon. Fanatici Superpelliciani in Cambridge, complained of to him.

The Archbishop Moves the Chancellor for Regulation of University Licences

FOR the hindering the further spreading and breaking out of the aforementioned irregularities and disorders in the Church, the Archbishop thought it highly necessary to look well to the licensing of preachers: that none might be admitted to preach, but such as he might be well assured of for their compliance with the orders established.

There was a power lodged in the University of Cambridge, to licence twelve preachers yearly, to preach any where throughout England, without obtaining other licence from any other. This the Archbishop was jealous of, as opening a back door to let in the disaffected into the Church: and therefore he thought it very advisable for the Chancellor of the University, (who was the Queen's Chief Secretary,) Cecyl, to take some order about this. And this he might, and ought to do, because the licences, as the University then gave them, were discrepant from what they anciently were.

The Occasion Thereof: George Withers

That which gave the first occasion to look more narrowly into these University licences, was this. While things were in that ferment in the Church, as hath been mentioned already, about the beginning of the month of March, anno 1564, and the Puritans (for by that name they now commonly went) laboured at this juncture, all they could, to shew their utter dislike and resistance of that conformity that was then in agitation, out of hope, belike, that when the superiors should observe how irksome these matters were, they might be discouraged any further to press them; a great racket was raised in Cambridge, chiefly occasioned by a busy member thereof, named George Withers, mentioned before, a man of parts and zeal.[ed 1] He, whether in his sermon or otherwise, had pressed for a reformation of the University windows, urging, I suppose, the superstition of the stories painted on them. Whereupon followed a great destruction of them, and the danger of a greater, by some zealots there. This person was preacher at Bury, as we heard before, and was so well thought of by Parkhurst, Bishop of Norwich, that he had given him, it seems, encouragement in his diocese; notwithstanding an ecclesiastical commission he lately had gotten for the checking of these seditious preachers. For which the Archbishop twitted him, in a letter to Cecyl, saying, "My Lord of Norwich hath gotten him a commission to good purpose." The news of this hurlyburly was soon sent both to the Archbishop and the University's Chancellor. But when the Heads had either wilfully connived at this man, or thought it not safe, or in their power to censure him, the Archbishop sent for him up, to answer for his doings, before him and the rest of the Queen's Commissioners. About a fortnight after, Withers appeared cum magnâ confidentiâ, vultu senatorio ("with great confidence, with a senator-like countenance"), as the Archbishop expressed it to the Secretary.

Withers' Licence Found Defective

And because the disturbance chiefly seemed to arise from some sermon that he had preached in the University, the Archbishop demanded of him his letters of licence to preach. Whereupon he produced the letters of the University; whereby he was, in the year 1563, nominated and appointed by Dr. Hawford, Vice-Chancellor, one of the twelve University Preachers. This licence the Archbishop, who was excellently skilled in the ancient customs of the University, as well as other antiquities, found to be defective, being drawn up in the name only of the Vice-Chancellor, Masters, and Scholars of the University, without any mention of the Chancellor's name: which, according to the laudable custom, ought to have been prefixed.

The Original of the University Privilege

This the Archbishop signified to the Chancellor. Whereupon, and probably by the Archbishop's advice, he sent for his Vice-Chancellor, as for other matters, so to satisfy him of the power that lay in him to give these licences. And, that he might be prepared to talk with him, when he should come up, he requested the Archbishop to communicate to him some part of his University notes, concerning this business of preaching. Hereupon the Archbishop sent him a form of licence for preaching, of old custom used, and the original of that privilege granted the University. The sum of which was, that at the suit of Thomas Cabold, the Pope's lesser Penitentiary in the Roman Court, for England, Scotland, and Ireland, Julian, Bishop of Ostia, by the authority of Pope Alexander the Sixth, granted to Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, Chancellor of the University, and his successors, licence to choose every year twelve Doctors, Masters, or Graduates, who should be in Priest's Orders, to preach through the whole kingdom of England, Scotland, and Ireland, under the common seal of the University, without any other licence from any other Bishop. And for this there was a bull of the Bishop of Ostia.

And upon this, Fisher the Chancellor gave licence to one Bayly, to preach throughout England, in May 1522. The Archbishop sent him also another form of licence for preaching that was then used: and that was the licence given to George Withers, which ran in the name of Edward Hawford, Vice-Chancellor, without any mention of the Chancellor: and it mentioned this, as granted to that University from the Queen's letters patents, bearing date the third year of her reign: and the licence ran durante vita naturali ("during his natural life"). It had also this clause, which touched the Archbishop, as an infringement upon his and his brethren's authority, licentia ordinariorum locorum super hoc minimè requisita ("the licence of the ordinaries of the places being by no means required in this matter"). He acquainted him also, that this privilege of licensing was sued for by the University, to be granted them of King Edward VI. but not obtained. The clause containing this privilege, as it was drawn up and prepared to be inserted into the King's letters patents, the Archbishop sent to the Secretary, with the two other forms, and the clauses in the Queen's letters patents concerning this licensing. All which are reposited in the Appendix.[ed 2]

His Advice to Him Thereupon

After he had imparted to the Chancellor, namely, Secretary Cecyl, these forms of licences, he told him, "He had best look to it, or else it would grow to much inconvenience. And that he took all their licences hitherto, in the late form wherein that of Withers was drawn up, to be naught; because they were not according to the ancient laudable form, his name, as their Chancellor, not prefixed. Which authority, he said, it were best for him to keep still; so might the better choice be made. And to say the truth," as he goes on, "seeing their letters patents be granted, but agreeably to their privilege, it is but a weak hole for them. For that bull of Episcopus Ostiensis ("the Bishop of Ostia") is long ago dead. That for his diocese, he was resolved, unless he saw the Chancellor's name prefixed, they should not be received. That he could not see what Master Vice-Chancellor's experience [who, it seems, was now come to Town] had brought up to inform his Honour, [their Chancellor,] more than his [the Archbishop's] notes had declared. That they left out of their licences such words as were in the bull of Hostiensis, whereto their style did allude. That he took it, that though sometimes the University seal went out by the name of the Vice-Chancellor, yet it was not rightly done. For the incorporation was, To the Chancellor, Masters, and Scholars: and such style were fitter for the seal of the office. And he thought the Bishop of Rochester, for the weight of the matter, would have it pass in his name, [as it did in the first form.] And he thought too, not without some trial, or credible information of the worthiness of the party. In his opinion," he added, "it would be well done, that they had a form prescribed of their licences, and so expressed in the Proctors' books, and by a grace established, with the annulling of all licences passed before. Telling him, that if they so much abused the Queen's grant, illa vivente ("she being still alive," i.e. during her lifetime), what would they do hereafter? He took notice also of the largeness of the licences they granted, namely, for natural life. Whereas all Ordinaries, in their licences, granted them more deliberately, inserting such words, quandiu nobis placuerit, et, dum laudabiliter te gesseris ("as long as it shall please us, and while you conduct yourself commendably"). But they, simply, hand over head, admit all without revocation."

The State of the University as to Conformity

This effort of Withers, before mentioned, gave occasion to look more narrowly into the manners and conformity of the students of that University. And it was also found to be there much neglected by many. Which to redress, great endeavours were used. The Queen appointed the visitors to inspect again, and regulate the University affairs. The statutes of King Edward VI. established by his Council, and delivered them by his visitors, were revised by these, and sent home again. The Queen signified her mind to the Archbishop, as to their obedience to the ecclesiastical laws for apparel, and the like; and bade him write his letters to the University, declaring in them her Majesty's pleasure. The Chancellor sent down his orders about rectifying the grant of licences, as well as other matters.

Several Heads Write to the Chancellor

In the mean time, that I may take up here what I can retrieve of the University matters, in the month of November this year, several Heads of the University, that liked not what was now in agitation, wrote their letter unto the Chancellor: and they were men of note, namely, Robert Beaumont, Master of Trinity college, and one that had been an exile; Roger Kelk, Master of Magdalen; Matthew Hutton, Master of Pembroke hall, and the Queen's Professor, afterwards Archbishop of York; Richard Longworth, Master of St. John's; and John Whitgift, Fellow of Peter house, and Margaret Professor, afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury. Who all subscribed this letter with their own hands. Wherein they signified to him, that they had heard now a good while, concerning an edict, or proclamation, that was to be issued out from her Majesty, for the enjoining the wearing of the old habits, and forcing all the members of the University to submit thereto. They shewed him, that there was a multitude of pious and learned men, who thought in their consciences all using of such garments was unlawful for them. So that by the imposition thereof, they must be compelled to depart. But if it should so happen, that they should go away, the University would be left very bare and destitute. They therefore thought it their duty, leaving this condition of their brethren and fellow-academics to his consideration, earnestly to beseech him, that, according to the great credit and favour that he had with the Queen, he would be their mediator with her, to remit the promulgation and publishing of this order. And that in their judgments the taking off this burden, especially considering the present state of the University, would not bring either inconvenience or danger. But on the contrary, they feared, that such imposition would prove very injurious, both to the preaching of the Gospel, and good learning. The copy of this letter I have inserted into the Appendix.

The Letter Ill Taken

But this letter was ill taken, and great stir was made about it; and that because of the reports, partly true and partly false, that attended it. For it was reported, that Dr. Hutton had writ against the apparel, and that he had in his public sermons preached against it, and winked at the neglect thereof. And that he and the rest had been instrumental to create disturbances in the University about it. Which caused the Chancellor to write a very sharp letter to Dr. Beaumont, his Vice-Chancellor. But the truth was otherwise. For Dr. Hutton had writ nothing of the present controversy: but something he had said in two lectures relating to it; namely, to repress the fond dealing of rash young men, in framing such grounds and arguments against apparel, as they were not able to prove. And Dr. Beaumont, in a sermon, reprehended the rash and unlawful attempts of them, which (being private men) would, by making of reformation, thrust themselves into the office of the Magistrate. Though in the afternoon, in a sermon made in St. John's chapel by Mr. Fulk, he was uncharitably spoke against for his so doing. He himself weekly wore the surplice; and for other appointed apparel, not only lived in order himself, and procured it in others, as much as he could, but also saw offenders punished, so far as the local statutes permitted; as he writ himself to the Chancellor in his own vindication.

Beaumont Excuses It

And as for the letter, Beaumont gave this account of it. There were at that time two sore and unseemly letters drawn up by some persons; the one to the Queen's Majesty, and the other to the Chancellor, whereunto many were to have subscribed. These five Heads, fearing, through the said letters, chiefly by that to her Majesty, the whole University should have incurred great displeasure, means were found, that both those letters, being rash and untrue, were stayed; and a third, with much mitigation, was writ to the Chancellor by Beaumont, and the rest; "not by them, as the said Beaumont told the Chancellor, who sought to subvert civil orders, but by humble scholars to their Head and Chancellor, for the avoiding of greater inconvenience, which then, as it seemed, could not otherwise have been repressed. But the fact being misliked, he, being it seems the chief agent, was sorry for it: and was bent to continue in order without change, and also to see to others, which he had to do with, as he ought." As he wrote to the Chancellor, in his letter, dated December 6.

Ancient Orders for Apparel in Oxford

Among the MSS. I make use of, I meet with a paper without date, of an old handwriting, somewhat difficult to be read, with this title, For Orders in Apparel and other things in Oxford. Which paper belonged to Archbishop Parker: and he sent it, as I judge, to Sir William Cecyl, who was now very busy in preparing the new statutes for the University: that so the Archbishop might contribute what he could to him in so weighty a work. The Archbishop knew this would be of great force, for the clearing these two or three things. I. That it was no novel matter to prescribe apparel to such as were members of an University. II. That the prescription of apparel related not so much to religion, to distinguish him a Papist that wore it; but was a more civil matter, appointed for decency, to distinguish a scholar of the University from another man. III. That this injunction of apparel, that was now required and urged in the University, was no more than what was very anciently required and observed there. The transcript I have placed in the Appendix.

The University Statutes Reformed and Sent Down

I hinted before, that the Chancellor of the University had this year sent down his orders for the rectifying of several things amiss there, chiefly caused by the incompliance of such as opposed the rites. It was nothing but a reformation of the University statutes; and done with great advice for the maintenance of learning and decent order within the said University. Wherein he was greatly assisted by our Archbishop. It took him up the best part of this year, before he brought the business to a conclusion. The statutes thus reformed, and sent down for the consent of the University, were generally well and gratefully received, and published in the Regent House: though some few hotheaded men there made some opposition. But by the most and best part consented to, declaring themselves ready to execute them; as some letters sent now to the Chancellor gave him to understand.

The Archbishop's Advice to the Chancellor, upon Some Opposition Thereunto

The Chancellor was a prudent, wary, and circumspect man, and loath to give offence, or use rigour, and so made some demur. These letters therefore from Cambridge he sent to the Archbishop to peruse, requiring his advice and judgment thereupon. Who soon after sent him this message, that by those letters it might be understood, that he, the Chancellor, had such there, that were ready to execute his orders, and they of the best sort, and of the most part, excepting a few Catilines,[ed 3] as he expressed it, who by sufferance would infect the whole. And to excite him to a resolution to punish such as were infringers of his orders, he added, "that if he, their Chancellor, of the Privy Council, and in such place and credit as he was, should suffer so much authority to be borne under foot by a bragging brainless Head or two, in my opinion, said he, your conscience shall never be excusable: praying his charity to pardon his plainness, for he spake ex intimo corde, ex pura conscientia, coram Deo et Christo ejus ("from his inmost heart, with a pure conscience, before God and His Christ"). We mar our religion, as he proceeded; our circumspections are so variable, (as though it were not God's cause, which he will defend,) makes cowards thus to cock over us. I must say as Demosthenes answered, what was the chief part in rhetoric, the second part, the third, Pronunciation, pronunciation, pronunciation, said he; so say I, Execution, execution, execution of laws and orders, must be the first and the last part of good government.[ed 4] Although I yet admit moderation for times, places, multitudes, &c. And hereafter, for God's love, never stir any alterations, except it be fully meant to have them established. For else we shall hold us in no certainty, but be ridiculous to our adversaries, contemned of our own, and give the adventure of more dangers. And thus begging him to pardon his boldness, for his own part, he said, he reposed himself in silentio et in spe; et fortitudo mea Dominus ("in silence and in hope; and the Lord is my strength"),[ed 5] however the world fawneth or fumeth." This notable letter was writ December the 8th.

Disorders in St. John's and Other Colleges in Cambridge

What resolution upon this letter of the Archbishop, Cecyl the Chancellor took up, may appear by his message sent to his Vice-Chancellor two days after, viz. December the 10th, as we shall specify by and by, after we shall have related what happened particularly in St. John's college, where the said Chancellor was once a student, and ever after a favourer and patron of the same. For they had, by agreement of almost all the younger sort, on one and the same day, resorted to the chapel without surplices, commonly worn before, and had also innovated in some parts of the divine service, and administration of the Sacrament, then celebrated. And the like course was used in many other colleges. The tidings whereof were soon brought to Cecyl: which he took very heavily, as creating him great trouble, that orders and rules, established by public authority, should be so presumptuously broken by such, who ought peaceably to obey their lawful superiors. Therefore forthwith he sent to them, admonishing them peremptorily, that they should do as they had done always before, in obedience to order and law.

Their Apology to Cecyl

But they quickly despatched an apologizing letter for themselves; "beseeching him, that their consciences might not be forced to the ceremonies they had laid aside; and that he would not suffer acerbissimum illud conscientiæ servitutis jugum, i. e. that most bitter yoke of slavery of conscience to be again imposed upon them. That the slavery of the body was grievous, but that of the mind, tormented with the daily racks of conscience, was more sharp than the most exquisite torments. That they cast not away ceremonies out of malice, rather than a love of truth; nor yet for vainglory, nor affectation of popularity, nor contempt of laws, nor a desire of innovation. But, that reason only compelled them to do as they had done. And that God was witness, that what they did was, first, that they might enjoy the peace of their consciences before God: and next, that the true and sincere worship of God might be promoted among them."

The Master of St. John's Instrumental

Richard Longworth, B. D. was now Master of St. John's college, who was brought in two years before by the influence Leonard Pilkington, the former Master, had with Cecil: who, upon the good character Pilkington had given of him, (being his countryman and kinsman,) procured the Queen's commendatory letters in his behalf to the college, to elect him upon Pilkington's resignation. Roger Kelk, Master of Magdalen college, was his competitor at the election. And of sixteen that gave their votes, eleven of them were for the latter. One was for the Bishop of Winchester, and four suppressed their votes for that time. The eleven urged, (and so they writ to Cecyl,) that they were bound by oath to choose the best, the fittest, and the most worthy man. And that, though they desired not to make any reflections upon Mr. Longworth by their letters, yet they all knew him to be in all respects inferior to Kelk, ut salvâ fide juramenti æquare non possimus, nedum, quod postulabatur præponere; i. e. that, saving their oath, they could not equal Longworth with him, much less (as was required) prefer him before him. However, matters were so managed, (upon the pretence of Pilkington's resignation to Longworth,) that Longworth became Master of the college. It was to his connivance (if not counsel) that all the foresaid new reformation happened in the college; he in the mean time absenting himself, while this was to be transacted. But for which, he, being found to be the secret orderer of this disorder, must be called to account.

The Chancellor Sends to Redress These Disorders in Cambridge

It is now time for the Chancellor of the University to concern himself in this affair: and with all convenient haste thus imparts his mind and his commands to his Vice-Chancellor, mentioning "how perplexed he was with this insolency of the youth: because the authority of the Queen was invaded, by breaking the common order made for the government of the University." And in another letter after this, he mildly, after his manner, but effectually, declared and pronounced in what method of animadversion the Vice-Chancellor (whom he called his principal officer) should proceed, for the taking punishment upon the disobedient, and for the restraint and prevention of such exorbitances for the future: and this, "both by virtue of his authority, as Chancellor of that University, and also on account of his service with his Prince: which would empower and call upon him to reform disordered persons in any part of the realm. Yet notwithstanding, that he had acquainted the Queen with this violation of her ordinances; and that she was much provoked with the offence they had given her. And therefore had enjoined him to punish such as were faulty: offering also to him her own princely aid for the effectual doing of it. Which however he thought fit to decline, and to make use only of his own lawful power."[1]

His Directions to the Vice-Chancellor

In short, he directed the Vice-Chancellor to call together the Heads, and other grave men of the University; and in his name, for the honour of God, and for the preservation of Christian unity, to charge all, that they should persist in the observation of uniform order in these external things, to make a demonstration of obedience, and render a testimony of unity; and also to prevent the farther decay of the estimation of the ministry, which did daily evidently decay. And that, as for such as had preached against these orders in such a riotous manner, they to be prohibited to preach or read publicly for a time, The ringleaders of those late disturbances in private colleges to have some time allotted them to reform themselves; otherwise to be utterly excluded the University. Notwithstanding, he did permit the Vice-Chancellor and Heads of colleges to use some sharper courses, if they thought fit; but that such as would reform themselves should be gently used. But I had rather the reader should peruse this excellent letter himself, proceeding from a very wise man, as it came from his own pen, It is in the Appendix.

And for St. John's College

As for St. John's college, where these innovations chiefly began, he ordered the Vice-Chancellor to give a general warning to the President, for the members to reform themselves, and not to persist in their wantonness, at their peril, And for Mr. Longworth, the Master, who countenanced these irregularities among the scholars, and Mr. Fulk, a preacher, who had taken upon him in a sermon to heat the minds of the youth against the habits and other usages enjoined; the Chancellor sent for them both up, meaning to deal more roundly with them. And for this course (as he wrote to the Vice-Chancellor in his said letter) he had the attestation of his own conscience, to take up this audacity in the beginning, and the Queen's express commandment, that in nowise her authority should be in this manner violated. The issue was, that Longworth was brought to declare and confess his fault before him; and at his return to Cambridge, to read a paper openly in the college, relating his crime, and promise better to regulate the Fellows and the rest of the scholars of the house. And this paper was subscribed with his own hand. But when he came to read it in his college, how he shuffled, in leaving out words and sentences, and sometimes making alterations, may be seen in the authentic copy thereof in the Appendix.

A Letter from One in the University, Complaining of These Men

So that it is evident he was not hearty in his confession, nor promise of endeavour to reform these abuses. Some account hath been given of these matters in the Annals of the Reformation.[2]

A letter in this juncture came to the Chancellor, dated December 12, from Bartholomew Clerk, a learned member of the University, who was afterwards Official of the Arches, and of whom we shall have occasion to speak more hereafter. In which letter he complained of these men, whom he called Fanatici Superpelliciani et Galeriani ("Fanatics of the Surplice and the Cap"),[ed 6] "That they made such disturbances by their counsels, that the time that before was wont to be taken up in the study of the arts and sciences was now spent and trifled away in fruitless disputations de lana caprina ("about goat's wool," i.e. about mere trifles):[ed 7] blaming those, though otherwise good and religious men, who first brought in among them such seminaries. Adding, that they feigned to themselves unheard-of laws of conscience, and infected many with their venom, not to say Anabaptistical principles. And in fine, hearing how busy his Honour was at that time in preparing good orders for them, entreated him, that he would be the means of rectifying the exercises of their pulpits and theatres, which had sounded a great while with nothing almost but fond new paradoxes; and put a stop to their controversies, or rather wild errors." Whosoever is minded to read and see the state then of the University may have recourse to this letter, which I have reposited in the Appendix.[ed 8]

Notes

  1. ↑ From the manuscript collection of George Petyt, Esq.
  2. ↑ John Strype, Annals of the Reformation, p. 442.

Editorial Notes

  1. ↑ George Withers: the Puritan preacher at Bury St Edmunds whose campaign against painted glass in the Cambridge college chapels set off the disturbances described here. "Hurlyburly" below is Strype's word for a commotion or tumult.
  2. ↑ Strype's numbered Appendix documents are not included in the Google Books scan used for this transcription, so these references cannot be verified here.
  3. ↑ After Lucius Sergius Catilina, the Roman conspirator against the state: i.e. plotters, troublemakers.
  4. ↑ The well-known anecdote of the orator Demosthenes: asked what was the first, second, and third part of rhetoric, he answered "Pronunciation" to all three. Parker adapts it to government.
  5. ↑ After Isaiah 30:15: "in quietness and in confidence shall be your strength."
  6. ↑ From superpelliceum, the surplice, and galerus, a cap: i.e. fanatics against the surplice and the square cap — the Puritan objectors to clerical vestments.
  7. ↑ De lana caprina disputare was a proverbial Latin phrase for disputing about nothing — "goat's wool" being a thing that does not exist.
  8. ↑ Bartholomew Clerk: afterwards Official of the Arches — the judge of the Court of Arches, the ecclesiastical appeal court of the province of Canterbury.

Source: John Strype, The Life and Acts of Matthew Parker, the First Archbishop of Canterbury in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1821), Vol. I. Enhanced reading edition: section headings, Latin translations, verified internal links, and editorial notes added per the AnglicanWiki Editorial Guidelines for Historical Texts. Strype's text faithfully transcribed from the Google Books scan; spelling and substance as in the original.