Life of Matthew Parker (Strype, 1821)/Book III/Chapter XI
This is the enhanced reading edition of Book III, Chapter XI of John Strype's The Life and Acts of Matthew Parker (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1821), Vol. I. It has been proofread against the original printed pages, and is presented with descriptive section headings, Strype's Latin passages translated, editorial notes, and Strype's footnotes preserved as references. Strype's own words, chronology, claims, and spelling are retained; editorial additions are clearly distinguished.
Endeavour to concern the Parliament in these contests. Books published for and against conformity. The Privy Council's order against seditious books. The Archbishop to Dr. Haddon about these matters. Some under restraint. John Fox peaceable; in this juncture writes to the ecclesiastical Commissioners.
The Parliament Moved for the Puritans
A PARLIAMENT was now sitting, and the dissenting party had used their utmost with their friends, both Bishops, noblemen, and others, in the Houses, to obtain some favour there, and that some expedient might be brought about for dispensation to be granted in these ecclesiastical matters, for sober and useful Ministers. Humfrey, who was now at Oxford, writ earnestly to his friend John Fox about it on that remarkable day, March 28; when so many had been suspended. Commendo precibus tuis (so ran a part of his letter[1]) et curæ tuæ propagationem religionis, reformationemque Ecclesiæ in his comitiis. Ut agas et peragas, ope, opera, gratia, et modis omnibus, ut Principes regni et proceres Cleri moveant aliquid salutare, et promoveant.[ed 1] But notwithstanding all endeavours, this Parliament brake up without interposing in this affair.
Books Set Forth by the Non-compliers
Nor did the press lie still all this while. For the non-compliers wrote books, and printed them; confuting the arguments (the best they could) which the Bishops had brought to persuade them to uniformity. But they were written with so much confidence and sharpness, that the Archbishop and the State thought fit to have them considered and answered. Which was done with brevity; a little in his judgment being enough to satisfy wise and learned men in this controversy.
A Brief and Lamentable Consideration
One of these short books now writ (of which I think by the style Bishop Cox, or Jewel, was author) bore this title, A brief and lamentable Consideration of the Apparel now used by the Clergy; set out for the Instruction of the Weak, by a faithful Servant of God. In the book, as well the reasons of the refusers of the apparel were weighed, as other reasons cursorily suggested in the behalf of it. The reasons urged commonly against the habits were, first, in general, that they did not edify; and because they hindered the simple, made the Papists obstinate, and were monuments of idolatry. Also, that they were precepts of men, and that they gave offence. Secondly, in particular, that ministering garments were taken from the Jews and Gentiles; that Samuel was not known to Saul. Which was a sign his garments were not different from other men's. And that Peter was known by his speech. Therefore we ought not to be known by our attire. After the author had briefly answered these reasons, he subjoined his own reasons, why submission ought to be given to these orders for apparel. Which were, that it could not be shewn out of the word of God, that any form of apparel, except that which was pompous, was expressly forbidden. Nor could it be proved that uniformity in attire among spiritual persons was not meet. Nor could any declare by unwrested places of Scripture, that any supreme magistrate might not enjoin his Clergy a certain form of apparel: or if such a form of apparel had been abused, that it was not from thenceforth to be used. Nay, that in case apparel had been offered unto idols, yet a Christian were not absolutely forbid to wear it. After this he made, by way of conclusion, a compassionate address to the dissenting people and Ministers.
To the people, in this tenor; "Have you churches, and yet will you flock into the fields? Have you places appointed for prayers, and yet will you appoint you private assemblies? Have you the Gospel of Christ sincerely preached among you? Why are you then offended? Have you the sacred Scriptures read unto you, and at your will to be perused? Why are you displeased? Idolatry is reproved, Papistry overthrown. Why are you not contented?" He added, "that they which now wore the apparel were such as had been banished for the profession of the Gospel, and lost their goods, and that willingly. For preaching and writing, who did it more painfully and effectually than they? and who watched more dutifully that the Gospel might have its full course? That others talked for reformation, they did it indeed." To the dissenting Ministers at last he spake, begging them in the name of dear brethren, to join hands to help forward the Lord's building. That whereas they had among them proud loiterers too many, he wished they themselves might be faithful labourers. He exhorted them, if they loved Christ, to feed his sheep, not to brawl in his vineyard; to love the brethren, and not to disturb their quietness; and every one of them to help the other's burdens, &c." See the whole tract, whereof this is the summary, in the Appendix.[ed 2]
Other Books For and Against Conformity
On the behalf of the ecclesiastical laws, a book came forth about this time, I suppose by the Archbishop's order, printed by Jugg,[ed 3] which urged the sin of disobeying lawful authority in indifferent things. It was entitled thus, Whether it be mortal Sin to transgress the Civil Laws, which be the Commandments of Civil Magistrates. The judgment of Philip Melancthon in the Epitome of moral Philosophy, the resolution of H. Bullinger, Dr. Rodulph Gualter, D. Martin Bucer, and Dr. Peter Martyr, concerning the apparel of Ministers, and other indifferent things.
The dissenting Ministers also on the other hand put forth in print A Declaration in the Name and Defence of certain Ministers in London, that refused the apparel prescribed. But this was answered in a book in quarto, called A brief Examination of that Declaration. And at the end was reported the judgment of Bucer and Martyr concerning this controversy. Which book was composed by the Archbishop's peculiar direction, and it is very probable in his house.
Orders of Council Concerning Printing
Care was not only taken for answering of these disaffected persons' books, but for preventing of the writing such for the future. For it was not thought convenient by any means that the Queen's Injunctions, and other laws and ordinances made for the regular and uniform worship of God, should be thus openly impugned. These books were printed both here in the realm, and abroad, and privily brought in and divulged: and so, being got into the hands of many, tended to the keeping open or widening the differences that were now distracting the Church. For preventing therefore the publishing of these books, the Archbishop, and other the ecclesiastical Commissioners, recommended several articles to the Lords of the Privy Council. Which gave occasion to these ordinances, decreed for the reformation of divers disorders in printing and uttering of books, dated from the Star-chamber in the month of June.[ed 4]
I. That no person should print, or cause to be printed, or bring or procure to be brought into the realm printed, any book against the force and meaning of any ordinance, prohibition, or commandment, contained or to be contained in any the statutes or laws of this realm, or in any injunctions, letters patents, or ordinances passed or set forth, or to be passed or set forth, by the Queen's grant, commission, or authority.
II. That whosoever should offend against the said ordinances should forfeit all such books and copies: and from thenceforth should never use or exercise, or take benefit by any using or exercising, the feat of printing; and to sustain three months' imprisonment without bail or mainprize.
III. That no person should sell, or put to sale, bind, stitch, or sow any such books or copies, upon pain to forfeit all such books and copies, and for every book 20s.
IV. That all books so forfeited should be brought into Stationers' Hall: and there one moiety of the money forfeited to be reserved to the Queen's use, and the other moiety to be delivered to him or them that should first seize the books, or make complaint thereof to the Warden of the said Company. And all the books so to be forfeited, to be destroyed or made waste paper.
V. That it should be lawful for the Wardens of the Company for the time being, or any two of the said Company thereto deputed by the said Wardens, as well in any ports, or other suspected places, to open and view all packs, dry-fats, maunds, and other things, wherein books or paper shall be contained, brought into this realm; and make search in all workhouses, shops, warehouses, and other places of printers, booksellers, and such as bring books into the realm to be sold, or where they have reasonable cause of suspicion. And all books to be found against the said ordinances, to seize and carry to the Hall to the uses abovesaid; and to bring the persons offending before the Queen's Commissioners in causes ecclesiastical.
VI. Every stationer, printer, bookseller, merchant, using any trade of book-printing, binding, selling, or bringing into the realm, should before the Commissioners, or before any other persons, thereto to be assigned by the Queen's Privy Council, enter into several recognizances of reasonable sums of money to her Majesty, with sureties or without, as to the Commissioners should be thought expedient; that he should truly observe all the said ordinances, well and truly yield and pay all such forfeitures, and in no point be resisting, but in all things aiding to the said Wardens and their deputies, for the true execution of the premises.
And this was thus subscribed: "Upon the consideration before expressed, and upon the motion of the Commissioners, we of the Privy Council have agreed this to be observed and kept upon the pains therein contained. At the Star-chamber the 29th of June, anno 1566, and the eighth year of the Queen's Majesty's reign; N. Bacon, C.S. Winchester, R. Leicester, E. Clynton, E. Rogers, F. Knollys, Ambr. Cave, W. Cecyl."[ed 5] To which the Commissioners also underwrit, "We underwrit think these ordinances meet and necessary to be decreed and observed. Matthue Cantuar. Edm. London. Ambr. Cave. David Lewis. Tho. Yale. Rob. Weston. T. Huycke."[ed 6]
The Archbishop Writes to Dr. Haddon
Great was the friendship between our Archbishop and Dr. Haddon, of whom we have had occasion to speak before. He being now the Queen's Ambassador at Bruges, the Archbishop in the midst of these his turmoils wrote him a letter, shewing him how they had proceeded in these matters, and withal sent him inclosed the opinion of Bucer and Martyr concerning the habits. To whom the Civilian from Bruges made him answer; and concerning the solid judgment of those two learned foreigners thus he wrote:[2]
Quorum authoritas, licet sola plebeiorum istorum et novitiorum commenta frangere posset, tamen perfectissimi Theologi tam graviter in his causis argumentati sunt, ut ipsis rationum momentis omnibus satisfieri possit, qui secum aures sinceras, et nullis errorum præjudiciis occupatas, afferre volunt. Quapropter in doctrina satis arbitror esse processum, in disciplina reliquum esse debet, ut illorum importunitas pœnâ devinciatur, qui contra Principis edictum, et publicas Ecclesiæ constitutiones in rebus arbitrariis vociferantur.
Haddon's Judgment of the Dissenters
This was the judgment of this grave and learned man; to this tenor in English:[ed 7] "Whose authority alone [namely, of Bucer and Martyr] was enough to overthrow the fancies of those vulgar men and mere novices; much more when those most accomplished Divines argued so solidly in these causes, that their weighty reasons might satisfy all that brought sincere minds, and not forestalled with error. Wherefore I think we have proceeded far enough in doctrine, the remainder ought to concern discipline, that so their importunity might be restrained by punishment, that make such a clamour in arbitrary matters against the Prince's decree, and the public constitutions of the Church."[ed 8]
The Archbishop's Answer Concerning the Puritans
In the course of the correspondence between these two, the Archbishop, in his answer to the above mentioned, communicated some further news of the Puritans and their friends and books. An answer to one of them he now also sent him. And this following was the tenor of his letter.[3]
"I have received your letters, wherein et amice et graviter[ed 9], you do both comfort my travail-taking[ed 10] in the establishing of order and concord in our Church, as ye do godly admonish me to go on to mine office, and to refer the success thereof to God. As I am always persuaded to [set a value] upon letters elegantly written, which come from your pen, so I rejoice to see in you so much grave Christian philosophy. Ye may well marvel of the boldness of these men ecclesiastical, advancing themselves so far to insult against the Prince, and public authority of laws, &c. and not to be ashamed to put their fancies in public print. Lamentable it is, that some of these light heads be much comforted of such, whose authority should be bent to repress them. The boldness of their books imprinted caused some examination to be set forth, which here I send you to expend. Indeed all things be not so answered as their writing deserved, but yet more was considered what became such which hath taken in hand to answer, than what they deserved. And I am deceived, if a little be not enough to satisfy wise and learned men in this controversy. And thus signify to you, that with the assistance of the Queen's Majesty's Council we have dispersed a few of the heads of them, some to the Bishop of Winchester, some to Ely, and some to Norwich, to school them, or else at the least to have them out of London, till we see cause to restore them their liberty. I commend you to God, with my commendations to my Lord Mountague, to Mr. Dene, and to Dr. At Croyden."[ed 11]
Many Deprived, Under Restraint for a Time
Gentleness, as appears hence, was used towards these Ministers that stood out, and so were deprived. Some of them by order of the Council, with the advice of the ecclesiastical Commissioners, were taken up, and put under easy restraints with some of the Bishops, being sent down, some to Ely, some to Norwich, and some to the Bishop of Winton; partly to have the benefit of their instructions, and partly to rid London of them. But it was not long that they remained so, but were restored to their liberties; and had leave, or at least connivance, to preach. So did Sampson and Lever, who, though they wore not the habits, yet had places, and preached. For when some, who were brought before the Lord Mayor and the Bishop of London, in the year 1567, for holding private conventicles, had urged in their own vindication, that none might preach or minister, except he used the apparel; the Bishop answered, "No? How say you to Sampson, and Lever, and others? Do not they preach? and that, though the laws stand in force against them."[ed 12]
John Fox's Peaceable Behaviour
How John Fox behaved himself in these commotions about uniformity, when several Ministers were forbid preaching for their non-compliance, may be understood by what I am going to relate concerning him. He, having no living, was not taken notice of, or summoned before the Commissioners, though he was no approver of the habits; and it was well enough known he was not. But his temper was mild, and his principles peaceable; and he carried himself as a promoter of quiet on both sides; being one that declared a great dislike of all separations and schisms among Protestants.[ed 13]
Fox's Letter to the Commissioners
But to give a taste of Fox's spirit. There was one West, whom the ecclesiastical Commissioners, in or near this year, had laid in prison for uttering something against the superior powers, going probably upon the principles of Goodman's book.[ed 14] Fox, having been West's schoolfellow and collegian and friend, writ to the Commissioners an elegant letter; not justifying West, but concluding him blame-worthy. And hence descending to lament the differences in the Church of England, and shewing in what an ill state of looseness and wickedness the nation then stood; which, he said, ought chiefly to be ordered, and that many matters were to be reformed, but no schism by any means to be made; he had moreover these expressions in his said letter: "That the more earnestly he favoured the peace and tranquillity of the Church, the more did these intestine differences of opinions and controversies (whence arisen he could not tell) torture his mind. Yet had they sprung from necessary causes, they had less troubled him. But while from light matters they drew occasions for grievous contentions, and tossed about unnecessary questions, the fruit of brotherly communion was not only lost, but the adversaries' forces got strength against them. To whom they afforded a very joyful spectacle in these their quarrels. But how much better were it, said he, with united strength to do Christ's work, and to diffuse his faith in the minds of the godly, as far as possible, and to fight against the sworn enemies of our salvation, rather than against the friends of the faith. He knew much was yet wanting to a perfect Church. But prudent physicians should here be imitated, whose first care is wont to be, that the body live, and then that it flourish and be in good health. But we, said he, by a preposterous solicitude, while we strive to bring the Church to a most perfect rule of reformation, do in effect by this strife bring to pass, that we see no Church at all, or one very deformed. For what Church is to be seen there, where we have peace neither with our friends nor enemies? Nay, what peace have we with God, when atheism reigns, lust goes without punishment, covetousness robs and spoils, benefices are bought and sold, Priests grow cold? and would they were cold indeed. But now many are neither cold nor hot. The pulpits are silenced; Christ's sheepfold is fleeced, not fed; the harvest is despised. And since it is thus, what can we do better than to shew ourselves good Divines, by minding the greater matters of Christian religion? And then to build on that, what concerns the external reformation, if we may: but if we may not, by no means to move any schism." This letter, containing this pious admonition to the Clergy, may be found in the Appendix.[ed 15]
Notes
Editorial Notes
- ↑ "I commend to thy prayers and thy care the propagation of religion, and the reformation of the Church in this Parliament: that thou wouldest act and labour earnestly, by help, by pains, by favour, and by all means, that the princes of the realm and the chief men of the Clergy may move and promote somewhat that is wholesome."
- ↑ No. XLIX in Strype's original Appendix; the Appendix is not contained in the scan from which this text was transcribed.
- ↑ Richard Jugge (d. 1577), the Queen's printer; "Jugg" is the print's spelling.
- ↑ The Star Chamber ordinances of 29 June 1566, the eighth year of Elizabeth's reign — the first systematic press regulation of the reign, requiring printers to be licensed and bound by recognizances.
- ↑ The signatories: Sir Nicholas Bacon, Lord Keeper (C.S. = Custos Sigilli, Keeper of the Seal); Robert Horne, Bishop of Winchester; Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester; Edward Clinton, Lord Clinton (Lord Admiral); Edward Rogers; Sir Francis Knollys; Sir Ambrose Cave; William Cecil, Secretary of State. "Cecyl" is the print's spelling.
- ↑ The ecclesiastical Commissioners: Matthew Parker, Archbishop of Canterbury ("Matthue Cantuar."); Edmund Grindal, Bishop of London; Sir Ambrose Cave; David Lewis; Thomas Yale; Robert Weston (Dean of the Arches); Thomas Huick ("Huycke"). Spellings as printed.
- ↑ The English rendering is Strype's own.
- ↑ Walter Haddon (1516–1572), civilian, Master of Trinity Hall, Cambridge; then the Queen's ambassador at Bruges. His Latin is preserved above; Strype's English follows. Martin Bucer (1491–1551) and Peter Martyr Vermigli (1499–1562), the reformers whose judgment on the habits Parker had sent him.
- ↑ "Both as a friend and gravely" — i.e. with the affection of a friend and the seriousness the matter requires.
- ↑ "Travail-taking" = labouring, taking pains; "travail" in the older sense of toil.
- ↑ Lord Mountague = Anthony Browne, 1st Viscount Montague; Mr. Dene and the unnamed Doctor were members of Haddon's circle at Bruges. The letter is dated from Croydon, one of the Archbishop's residences.
- ↑ Thomas Sampson (1517–1589), deprived Dean of Christ Church, Oxford; Christopher Lever (d. 1577). The "Bishop of London" here is Edmund Grindal.
- ↑ John Foxe (1516/17–1587), the martyrologist, author of the Acts and Monuments; Strype prints the name "Fox."
- ↑ Christopher Goodman's How Superior Powers Oght to Be Obeyd (1558), the Genevan exile tract justifying resistance to ungodly rulers.
- ↑ Num. L in Strype's original Appendix; the Appendix is not contained in the scan from which this text was transcribed.
Source: John Strype, The Life and Acts of Matthew Parker, the First Archbishop of Canterbury in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1821), Vol. I, Book III. Enhanced reading edition: section headings, Latin translations, verified internal links, and editorial notes added per the AnglicanWiki Editorial Guidelines for Historical Texts. Strype's text faithfully transcribed from the Google Books scan; spelling and substance as in the original.